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1113menutopMenú (cabecera)Africa ReportsTailor-Made IntelligenceBase de datosintelligencearchivo1111menutopMenu (top)Africa ReportsTailor-Made IntelligenceDatabaseintelligencearchives1111newsletterlegendMantenha-se a par das novidades do África Monitor212newsletterlegendKeep up with Africa Monitor news113newsletterlegendManténgase al día con las noticias del África Monitor314newsletterplaceholderIntroduza o seu email215newsletterplaceholderInsert your email116newsletterplaceholderIngrese su correo electrónico317searchresults resultados encontrados para218searchemptyNenhum resultado encontrado para a sua pesquisa219searchresults results found for your search1110searchemptyNo results found for your search.1111searchresultsresultados encontrados para su búsqueda3112searchemptyNo se encontraron resultados para su búsqueda.31Subscribersintelligenceen520812174329600angAngola: Sonangol Begins Sale of Assets With "Crown Jewel"
(Luanda, Lisbon) The privatization of assets of Sonangol Pesquisa & Produção (SNL P & P) is proceeding at an accelerated pace, and the first divestiture of one of the "jewels of the crown" of the Angolan oil company is expected to be completed soon. According to industry sources, contacts are at an advanced stage for the sale by the Sonangol group (SNL EP) of the stake (30%) in Block 32, operated by Total. The sale is expected to generate more than USD 2,000 million, and could reach USD 3,000 million. However, SNL EP's current USD 1 billion debt to the Block 32 contracting group is expected to be settled through the sale, so the actual cash inflow with the operation is expected to be in the range of USD 1,000-2,000 million. Given its current financial weaknesses, SNL EP is not in a position to follow the investments planned in the development of Block 32, c. USD 16 billion, the largest on the Angolan offshore in the coming years, which implicated for the Angolan oil company an investment of more than USD 5,000 million corresponding to its current participation. Therefore, the company's presence in the contractor group has become an obstacle to the future development of the area. Total, the operator of the block, holds a 30% stake, with the remaining partners being SNL P & P (30%), Sonangol Sinopec International 32 Limited (20%) and Esso Exploration & Production Angola (Overseas) Limited (15%). Portuguese company Galp Energia holds a 5% interest in the 32 block consortium. In July.2018, the contractor group started production of the "Kaombo" project, through the FPSO platform that will develop the "Kaombo Norte" area. The Kaombo development plan foresees the installation of two FPSO units, each with an estimated production of 115,000 barrels of oil per day. The second unit, to be allocated to the Kaombo South area, is expected to commence operations during 2019. The units will be connected to 59 submerged wells with a view to developing the resources located in six discoveries in the central and southern part of Block 32 ("Gengibre" , "Gindungo", "Caril", "Canela", "Mostarda" and "Louro"). The official estimate of total volumes to be recovered from the fields is about 650 million barrels of oil. The sale of this stake by SNL P & P launches the sale of assets of the oil company, with a view to its financial recovery. SNL P & P is described as one of the biggest "burdens" of the group due to the chronic imbalances of its management; it is estimated that the divestment will involve interests in about 20 offshore blocks, which could allow a total of close to USD 3,000 million (AM 1158), which are essential to the company's reorganization and the ongoing reform of the oil sector (AM 1178). (END)
110110jpg2019-01-22Tuesday 22nd January 201922 January 201900Subscribersintelligenceen522712174529730ang2Angola: Setback in Combating Informal Diamond Mining
(Research and Analysis)
The decision to launch the "resgate" ("retrieval") operation was especially influenced by reports from the Intelligence and Security Service (SINSE) which referred to a high concentration in the hands of Congolese of the diamond economy of the provinces of Lunda Sul and Lunda Norte. The movement of abandonment of the country by Congolese diggers and dealers, many with Angolan nationality, has now gone into reflux.
In SINSE evaluations, it was also considered that part of the production and/ or its income was escaping to DR Congo.
In recent weeks there has been a continuous return to the diamond areas of the NE of Angola of Congolese diggers who had been coercively repatriated under the "Retrieval" operation. The re-entry movement of Congolese, considered significant, is being facilitated by factors such as the following:
a) the complicity of Angolan "bosses" and "partners" for whom they worked or with whom they had interests;
b) the Angolan documentation of which in great number they are bearers.
The recognized experience and skill of Congolese in all areas of industry and diamond trade is the main reason for complicity with former Angolan partners who have been favoring their return. Their skills in the field of digging for alluvial diamonds in the river bed are especially valued, making those who practice it deferentially treated as "kazabulas". Their merits as evaluators and negotiators are also highlighted.
In the informal diamond mining, in their different modalities, Angolan, police, military and other authorities are involved, for whom the Congolese often work.
The economy of the provinces of Lunda Sul and especially of Lunda Norte depends almost entirely on the diamond sector; the prolonged decline following the 2008 crisis (AM 781) has had adverse effects on formal and informal economic activity and has led to large-scale unemployment. The Lundas form a politically and socially sensitive area.
Unemployment particularly affects the less qualified workforce in the sector, which is made up of workers from the region, but the phenomenon has not manifested itself in relation to public administration and State institutions, where those originating in other parts of the country predominate. The disparity is exploited politically.
Evidence of massive unemployment reaching the people of the two provinces, unlike individuals from other parts of the country, cadres and members of the elite as a whole considered to be part of a "silent colonization" usually feeds divisive sentiments (tribal and regional).
100110jpg2019-01-24Thursday 24th January 201924 January 201900Subscribersintelligenceen525812175729890mozMozambique: Guebuza Wing Dictates Frelimo's Efforts to Halt Chang's Extradition to the US
(Research and Analysis)
1. The meeting of the Frelimo Political Commission (CP), 24.Jan, to analyze the case of the detention of Manuel Chang (MC) in South Africa (AM 1178/1179) showed strong influence of the wing aligned with former PR Armando Emílio Guebuza (AEG), whose former "inner circle" is implicated in the lawsuit by the US Justice, which demands the extradition of MC.
The meeting of the CP ended with the decision that the Mozambican judiciary should strive to avoid the extradition of MC to the US. As a result, the Supreme Court issued a warrant of pre-trial detention against CM so that it can justify its extradition to Mozambique in the South African court. Subsequently, MC's parliamentary immunity was lifted. In independent media, the conviction prevails that the procedures - c. 2 years after the conclusion of Kroll's audit of the MAM/ EMATUM/ Proindicus debts - were only intended to justify the request for the extradition of MC to Mozambique.
PR Filipe Nyusi (FN) and the Maconde Wing revealed at the CP a closer alignment to that of Joaquim Chissano, which includes Luísa Diogo and Graça Machel, expressing disagreement with the effort to bring MC to Mozambique. During the session, they avoided disputes and assented to the claim of the AEG wing, even promising to collaborate so that the case is sent to the Mozambican Justice. Since the arrest, FN and its closest have shown a tendency to distance themselves and demarcate from the "hidden debts", which they blame on the inner circle of AEG, claiming not having been part of the process.
Extradition and trial of MC in the US is seen as a threat by the Guebuza wing, given that MC may reveal more data on the debts, leading to the issuance of warrants for more Frelimo personalities and/ or of the information services (SISE) involved in the case.
FN´s administration maintains the position that, in an election year, and instead of a major internal dispute over succession, it is preferable to have the Guebuza wing occupied with the extradition and trial of MC, while the PR focuses on securing the renewal of its mandate for the Oct.2019 elections.
Aware of its role in renewing FN's mandate, the Guebuza wing intends to gain influence in the new Government, ensuring the appointment of ministers and candidates to provincial governors, who from 2019 onwards will be elected. In Frelimo circles, José Pacheco , a prominent supporter of AEG, is known the intention to apply for the presidential elections of 2024. His appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs was also interpreted as a preparation for the candidacy.
2. MC's arrest, based on a charge involving 2 other Mozambicans, is only the first part of US court action against Mozambicans involved in the "hidden debts" that defrauded US investors and violated US financial security rules. The list of suspects is extensive and includes at least 1 son of AEG, Mussumbuluko Guebuza (MG, who will have received USD 9.8 million.) In the indictment, he is identified as "co-conspirator 2." Since MG was not a state employee, he is considered to have been his father's front-man.
Not being directly involved in the case, AEG may be charged as a moral author, if it is proved that his son received bribes intended for the former PR. MC is the key person to disclose this information in the USA.
Diplomatic sources say the request for extradition of MC to the United States has already been handed over to South African Justice and has followed diplomatic channels. Alternatively, the case could follow judicial channels - from the US Department of Justice to the Ministry of Justice of South Africa. Follow-up by diplomatic means adds importance to the case.
The US will have the right to argue in court against the extradition of MC to Mozambique, according to diplomatic sources consulted. The request for the extradition of CM to Mozambique should be denied at this stage, and extradition to the US may take months, up to approximately one year, to decide, following all appeals.
The delay of the case allows FN to prepare his re-election, while AEG´s wing focuses on saving MC from extradition to the US. The process is further degrading the image of Frelimo in an election year.
Frelimo entered with internal divisions (AM 1175) the process of choosing candidates for the Oct. elections. The distancing of Frelimo denotes the uncertainty within the party about the impact of the detention. In public debates on the case, particularly in private television channels, it is pointed out that Frelimo members refuse to participate in the defense of MC. In general, the commentators present adopt a strongly critical tone of Frelimo.
At the last Frelimo Congress, FJN was approved as party candidate for PR. However, the process of defining the candidate may still be reopened by an extraordinary decision at the level of the Central Committee or the CP.
In restricted circles, FJN says he did not receive any financial compensation from the debts process, and was even discriminated against during AEG's rule, when he held the ministerial portfolio of Defense, representing the Maconde clan, which includes generals Alberto Chipande (AC), Domingos Pachinuapa, Defense Minister Atanásio Mtumuke, the former chief of staff of the FADM and the former director general of SISE, Lagos Lidimo, among others.
FJN also claims that in AEG´s final mandate there were meetings of restricted ministers, in which he did not participate, where all the actions of the creation of the Integrated Coastal Monitoring and Protection System (SIMP), used to justify the contracting of the debts, were planned.
MC was instrumental in the creation of SIMP, and FN, as defense minister, signed important documents in the process, but comments that they were sent to him for signature, without ever having participated in the discussions.
Frelimo has traditionally protected its leaders from international accusations, but FN´s Presidency has been struggling to avoid publicly committing itself to the case, and even support for MC by Frelimo figures has been minimal.
100110jpg2019-02-04Monday 4th February 20194 February 201900Subscribersintelligenceen525912175729900moz2Mozambique: Prakash Prepares Counterattack on Moza Banco
(Research and Analysis)
Following the failure of the lawsuit against Moza Banco board members pior to the intervention of the Bank of Mozambique (BdM), that the governor Rogério Zandamela (RZ) wanted to transform into a centerpiece of the new regulation of the sector, the former shareholders of Moza, Moçambique Capitais (MC), led by Prakash Ratilal, are now preparing a counter-attack, using the judicial recourse against BdM, for property and reputational losses.
Sources close to CM, now a minority shareholder, consider that successive recapitalisations of Moza after its nationalization could have been avoided - with the purchase by the Management Company of the Pension Fund of the Bank of Mozambique (Kuhanha) - and successive attempts at sale and finally the entry into the capital of the ARISE fund, penalizing the interests of private shareholders. Before the intervention, they said, there were several players interested in entering Moza, without BdM being available for this purpose, opting for an abrupt intervention that almost liquidated the bank, due to the breach of trust in the institution and loss of value.
The same sources argue that the inability of the former largest shareholders to increase capital did not reflect the lack of interest of external investors, but rather their hesitation once it became clear that BdM intended to take over the management of the bank.
Coordinated by the BdM Prudential Supervision Department, headed by Pinto Fulane, the prosecution ignored the defense presented, invoking non-existent facts, with dissonance of dates between the period analyzed and the beginning of the exercise of the duties of some of the board members - ie, the alleged irregularities took place before some of those targeted began their mandates (AM 1142).
In addition to filing lawsuits against former executives, appeals are still pending in civil proceedings for fines and administrative offenses, which are paid by those targeted, but that they may also win.
MC's shareholding in Moza was made up of "small" shareholders with about USD 3 million and a larger number with investments in the range of USD 500 thousand to USD 1 million. The use of Moza as a vehicle for money laundering was indicted by the governor of the BdM, without proof.
The intervention of the central bank was justified by the inability of the partners to recapitalize the bank either directly or through the entry of a new partner and systemic risks that Moza could represent, prompting the regulator to appoint in Sep.2016 a provisional executive commission.
A report of the Central Commission of Public Ethics (CCEP), Aug.2017, on the intervention of the BdM in Moza, identified several deontological incompatibilities between the governor, the then President of the Executive Commission, João Figueiredo, and the BdM administrator and Executive Committee member, Joana Matsombe (AM 1109).
100110jpg2019-02-04Monday 4th February 20194 February 201900Subscribersintelligenceen526012175729910stpSão Tomé and Príncipe: Patrice Guides ADI From Outside
(Research)
Patrice Trovoada (PT) continues to monitor and direct ADI's political-party action, despite his absence abroad (permanent residence in Portugal) and to be self-suspended as the party's president. He uses for the purpose telephone and electronic media.
ADI, as envisaged (AM 1171), fell into disarray after it was ousted from the country's rule - with the loss in the last elections of the majority held in parliament. An anti-PT wing, led by Lévi Nazaré, a former party's SG, has been gaining ground internally, but still does not have sufficient representation to impose on another, loyal to PT, identified with José Diogo and Elísio Teixeira.
A congress to elect a new direction is scheduled for 30.Mar. PT has admitted the possibility of applying, but such a manifestation of will is the subject of doubts on the part of political circles of the internal opposition, which interpret it only with the purpose of not demobilizing the wing identified with him.
Following the formation of the current Coalition Government of Jorge Bom Jesus, senior officials of the State administration and public companies, generally associated with ADI and/ or with the confidence of the former PM, have been removed. The most recent was Hélio Almeida, until now the governor of the Central Bank. He was finance minister of a MLSTP/ PSD government, led by Gabriel Costa, when he approached the ADI, which he would join, breaking with his former party.
The ADI was the party most voted in the last elections, but without a parliamentary majority, making inevitable the rejection by the opposition of a Government that it would present. Against this backdrop, Olinto Daio (OD) dissociated himself from ADI's decision to nominate him as PM of the government he intended to establish under the terms of the constitutional provision that entrusts the most voted party with the task of forming an executive.
ADI's efforts to remain ahead of the government further consisted in a formal proposal to the other parties to join in a government of national unity and in informal attempts to groom members of other parties.
The political and social environment created in the country by perceptions that present the ADI as a "defeated" party is not only not conducive to enticing deputies of other parties, but encourages them to maintain their party-political loyalties.
The prompt lack of correspondence of the other parties to ADI's proposals for the formation of a broad national unity government is also considered to be due to "old feelings of rejection" noted in relation to PT - accused of being "averse to dialogue" and "arrogant. PT's desire not to become the interlocutor of the other parties was not enough to change their position (AM 1174).
100110jpg2019-02-04Monday 4th February 20194 February 201900Economicseconomicsen53474178200testeteste_englishteste
teste
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